Disagree but do so with respect and decorum while taxing citizens fairly.
Why Somalia's electoral campaigns lack respect and civil conduct? Why and who taxes whom in Somalia?
This week’s brief contribution, my proverbial “five minutes of fame” - comes to you from Italy, where I am currently attending a series of meetings, engaging in an educational project, and participating in the International Telecommunication Union (ITU)’s UN Virtual Worlds Day conference in Turin on the 11-12 June 2025. More specifically, the accompanying English-language video clip was recorded in Milan, while the Somali-language version was recorded in the coastal city of Trieste.
As noted in last week’s update, I am actively employing AI tools to support Somali-language translation and dissemination. Thus far, the results have been promising, enabling a more inclusive and multilingual form of communication. The Somali-language video and related content are accessible via https://ayuub.org/kala-aragti-duwanaada-balse-ku-sameeya-ixtiraam-iyo-edeb/
In this post, I turn to two pressing issues: first, the deteriorating quality of electoral campaigns in Somalia—marked by an alarming absence of decorum and substantive political dialogue; and second, the urgent need for a transparent and accountable taxation system. Both themes are critical to the advancement of governance, institutional integrity, and public trust in Somalia’s political future. Here goes.
In every functioning democracy, the election campaign period is a time of heightened political expression and public scrutiny. It is the arena in which politicians and parties articulate their visions, mobilize supporters, and compete for legitimacy. Yet, increasingly, electoral campaigns, especially in emerging and transitional democracies, are marked by polarizing language, invective, and rhetorical intimidation. This degeneration of political discourse raises important questions: What is the role of decorum in campaigning? Why must candidates foreground political agendas over personal attacks? And how can we foster electoral communication that is both persuasive and principled?
The Imperative of Decorum - Decorum, broadly understood, refers to the norms of respectful, civil conduct; particularly in public and political life. In the context of electoral campaigns, it embodies the ethical and rhetorical restraint that prevents political engagement from devolving into character assassination or incitement. Theorists such as John Rawls (1993)1 have argued that the legitimacy of democratic systems depends not only on free and fair institutions but also on the public reasonableness of discourse. Campaigns conducted in a tone of mutual respect contribute to the stability and trust necessary for democratic consolidation.
When candidates indulge in vulgar language or threats, whether veiled or explicit, they erode the very culture of deliberation that democracy demands. Moreover, such rhetoric often distracts from policy debate and disproportionately affects marginalized groups, who are often the most vulnerable to rhetorical violence. Studies in political communication suggest that repeated exposure to inflammatory language normalizes hostility and delegitimizes pluralism.
Campaigns Must Be About Political Agendas, Not Personal Vendettas - A legitimate election campaign should be a marketplace of ideas, not a battleground of egos. Somali voters require clear, coherent political agendas to make informed choices. Without substantive proposals on governance, infrastructure, education, health care, or economic policy, the electorate is left with empty slogans, threats and performative outrage. And this from previous leaders who claim to be religious and pious folks! Anything but…
Political theorist Hannah Arendt (1963)2 warned against the spectacle replacing substance in democratic politics. Campaigns devoid of policy content weaken democratic accountability; after all, how can citizens hold leaders to account when promises were never clearly articulated? The 4.5 power sharing model in Somalia promotes the lowest of the low, most violent and corrupted individuals to be selected to represent the tribe. These folks therefore, do not prioritize structured manifestos, policy briefings, and issue-centered debates. This is necessary not only inform the electorate but also serve as benchmarks for post-election evaluation. A campaign grounded in agenda rather than antagonism is more likely to generate informed civic engagement.
Rhetoric Without Threats: A Democratic Necessity - Language is never neutral in political life. It can inflame or inspire, divide or unify. Threatening words, even when couched in metaphor or jest, can create an atmosphere of fear and discourage voter participation, especially among youth, women, and minorities. This contravenes the democratic ideal of inclusive participation. This has become the norm in Somalia’s current political landscape.
Furthermore, vulgarity in speech corrodes the dignity of public office. Candidates must thus adopt a rhetoric of responsibility. This does not mean muting passion or sanitizing critique, but rather framing it within ethical bounds. Strong arguments need not be violent; principled opposition need not be profane. Threats and insults have become the norm for the opposition groups.
Reclaiming Ethical Campaigning - Elections are more than contests of power, they are reflections of a society’s political maturity. Upholding decorum, advancing substantive agendas, and adopting respectful language are not mere formalities; they are the ethical bedrock of democratic campaigning. Somali citizens demand these standards; as candidates, political actors must embody them. For only then can elections serve not merely to transfer power, but to renew the democratic contract between people and their representatives.
The Imperative of Fiscal Transparency in Somalia’s Taxation System
In fragile post-conflict states like Somalia, where public trust in governance is precarious and economic resilience remains fragile, the need for fiscal transparency is not simply a bureaucratic ideal, but a foundational requirement for state legitimacy, institutional development, and economic recovery. Recent research on Somalia’s taxation system reveals troubling patterns of overlapping and opaque tax regimes, particularly affecting local non-governmental organizations (NGOs) striving to deliver essential services to vulnerable communities.
One of my recent study’s more startling findings is the imposition of as many as four or five distinct taxes on local NGOs. These are levied at multiple administrative levels; federal, state, regional, district, and even ministerial- with little to no coordination or clarity on legal authority. The resulting environment is one of confusion, double taxation, and institutional overreach. It is often unclear who authorizes these levies, under what legal frameworks they are enacted, or how the revenues are ultimately utilized. In many instances, NGOs - whose primary objective is to support the Somali people - are penalized through burdensome financial obligations that undermine their operational effectiveness and, paradoxically, reduce the very public services the state has been unable to provide.
To be clear, my study does acknowledge that some local NGOs have fallen short in terms of governance, reporting, and transparency. However, the state's response must be proportionate, systematized, and legally grounded. Addressing shortcomings in the NGO sector should not come at the cost of institutional chaos or through the proliferation of unregulated tax demands. Instead, the government should pursue capacity-building, standardized audits, and legal reform instead of arbitrary and extractive fiscal behavior.
Moreover, the indirect and hidden taxation of remittances from the Somali diaspora, a lifeline to countless households across the country, remains shrouded in opacity. It is false claim that the mobile money (MM) platform owners/operators who also by design not by coincident (as they claim) also manage the last-mile of the remittance process, do not tax or charge fees. And if the MM industry operators claim is true, then this confirm my study’s finding that the whole sector’s business model is dubious. Questions abound: Why are certain remittances taxed and others not? What legal instruments govern these taxes? Where do the revenues go? The absence of transparent rules and reporting mechanisms raises concerns of informal gatekeeping, rent-seeking, and elite capture. How can one run MM business without charging fees? And how can the government allow these businesses to operate without paying tax, while other are taxed 4 or 5 times.
At this point, may I remind the Somali government that remittances from the global Somalia diaspora far exceed the total value of international aid received by the country. According to the World Bank (2023), Somalia received approximately USD 2.1 billion in remittances in 2022, a figure that consistently surpasses the combined value of humanitarian and development assistance, which typically ranges between USD 1.0–1.5 billion annually (UN OCHA, 2022). These remittances serve as a critical lifeline for household consumption, education, healthcare, and local investment, particularly in the absence of robust state welfare systems3.
Despite the substantial fiscal and developmental role played by the diaspora, their political inclusion remains severely limited. The longstanding principle of democratic governance, i.e. "no taxation without representation", demands careful reconsideration in this context. Diaspora Somalis, many of whom retain Somali citizenship and contribute to the economy through remittances and investment, are systematically excluded from formal political participation, particularly the right to vote.
This exclusion not only undermines democratic accountability but also alienates a vital constituency that has sustained the country through decades of state fragility and conflict. Enabling diaspora voting rights, whether through embassies, digital platforms, or absentee ballots, is both a moral and practical imperative for an inclusive, representative Somali polity.
Fiscal transparency is more than publishing budgetary figures, it involves making taxation predictable, fair, and subject to public scrutiny. Somalia urgently needs a coherent fiscal policy that unifies tax codes, delineates authority across administrative levels, and aligns revenue collection with public service delivery. Without this, taxation risks becoming a tool of predation rather than development. Ultimately, institutional reform must begin with a simple premise: the people of Somalia deserve to know who taxes them, why they are taxed, and how those taxes are spent. Anything less perpetuates a cycle of mistrust, inefficiency, and underdevelopment.
Comments and feedback as always welcome. Please use the comment section instead of emailing me direct, so all can contribute to the discussion.
Rawls, J. (1993). Political liberalism. Columbia University Press.
Arendt, H. (1963). On revolution. Viking Press.
United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. (2022). Somalia humanitarian response plan 2022. https://reliefweb.int/report/somalia/somalia-humanitarian-response-plan-2022
World Bank. (2023). Migration and development brief 38: Remittances remain resilient but are expected to moderate. https://www.knomad.org/publication/migration-and-development-brief-38